Welcome to HLS/CAS 553. This course provides an integrative perspective regarding communication as part of Homeland Security and Public Health Preparedness. Many of you are or will be enrolled as degree or certificate students in the Public Health Preparedness program. Many of you are professionals or practitioners working in public health. A few of you are likely to be undergraduate or graduate students interested in learning about disaster communication. Students in this course thus will be coming from varied backgrounds which will enhance the educational experience.
By the end of this lesson, you should be able to:
Note: The purpose of the Lesson Road Map is to give you an idea of what will be expected of you for this lesson. You will be directed to specific tasks as you proceed through the lesson. Each activity in the To Do: section will be identified as individual (I), team (T), graded (G), ungraded (U), or pass/fail (P/F).
In this lesson you will complete the following activities:
Disaster communication is an interdisciplinary topic focused on explaining, predicting, and describing the use of verbal, nonverbal, and visual communication forms to prepare, respond, and recover from natural and unnatural disasters. Seeger et al. (2003) indicate that natural disasters often involve large scale disruptions in the environment. Despite the chaos they create for the daily lives of humans, natural disasters mostly occur as a result of normal phenomenon, such as hurricanes or tornadoes. Unnatural disasters, including terrorism, may also involve large scale disruptions in the environment, but the origin is not the result of normal phenomenon. Thus, it adds a dimension to communication that may turn fear into anger, and bring the realm of uncertainty and lack of control to the forefront of efforts to communicate.
What to do, when to do it, how to prepare, when to respond, how to prevent events in the first place all of these messages and more are part of our everyday lives relating to disasters. They come from a seemingly endless array of sources that include health care organizations, elected officials, volunteer organizations, the media, friends, family, entertainers, and even those individuals who threaten to harm us. They are delivered via multiple modes that include face-to-face conversations, television, radio, newspapers, and internet. The contexts in which such messages occur vary as well, as work places prepare for both natural and unnatural disasters that involve communicating with us about disaster preparedness, public spaces are forced to adapt to risk through increased security measures at sites of sports and other entertainment venues, area hospitals make pronouncements about their roles in evacuation and other plans for dealing with potential disasters, together with schools, churches, and homes. The scope for addressing disasters is thus quite broad, so the skills needed to communicate to promote planning, timely and efficacious response, and recovery require some parameters.The skills to communicate in disaster situations require group interaction. Thus, assignments will be carried out in small groups throughout the course, and the course content will include strategies for working in groups within organizations, such as developing a disaster communication plan, and outside organizations, such as working between agencies and with volunteer groups to prepare for disasters. Group communication is defined as social interaction between two or more people who influence each other's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. The roles of each group member, the rules by which they operate, and the relations which form among members all affect the kind of influence that occurs. Thus, framing disaster communication as group communication emphasizes roles, rules, and relations.
Audience analysis is a concept that cuts across all types of communication. It draws attention to the strategic nature of communication designed to influence. Once a potential audience for communication is identified, an effort to plan for the roles, rules, and relations contributing to communication with the group or within the group becomes more transparent. For example, in considering audiences for disaster communication activities, the media, the public, first responders, businesses, hospitals, and public health practitioners are among the audiences to include in plan. Communication with each of these audiences varies along the lines of the roles, rules, and intermember relations. Table 1 suggests some of these possible differences.
Disaster communication as an interdisciplinary pursuit requires integration of risk communication, crisis communication, and emergency communication. Groups from private and public organizations that have varied levels of experience in working with one another must cooperate and collaborate in these efforts to increase their effectiveness. Table 2 includes some overarching aims relating to different audiences and these three components of disaster communication.
Risk communication broadly defined focuses on risk estimates and consequences. At no time in the history of this nation has the public health mission of promoting the public's safety resonated more clearly with the public, government, and those whose professional duties will be aligned with the charge. While public health professionals have often performed their tasks in obscurity, the events of 9-11 brought public health glaringly into the limelight. Public safety has always included emergency preparedness as one component of public health, with tornadoes, floods, toxic spills, and gas emissions falling within this rubric. The addition of bioterrorism and other terrorist threats as a priority in emergency preparedness points squarely to the role for risk communication as a critical framework within which to conduct the business of public health. Risk communication addresses a negative event or hazard that threatens the public's safety, with communication about that hazard focusing on the probability of its occurrence multiplied by its magnitude, weighed together with consideration of less quantifiable factors such as social values (Covello, 1992). The likelihood of a tornado hitting some geographic regions, for example, is greater than in others, and the public health effort put toward that possible emergency is greater in areas with higher risk, given that the magnitude of harm associated with a tornado can be death or extreme injury. Predicting the likelihood of a toxic spill is far less precise, although the magnitude of harm associated with the risk contributes to public health professionals' consideration of the issue and, often, the preparation of a plan to address the possibility. Prior to 9-11, the probability of such an event appeared to be very small, although the magnitude of harm predicted should it occur was expected to be great, again encompassing death and disability. The ranking of the threat and the way public health professionals planned for and communicated about it, therefore, placed the issue squarely within a planning category rather than an action item. Following 9-11 , the public has been told that the probability of another terrorist attack is 100 percent. The magnitude of harm associated with such an attack will depend partly upon the preparedness of public health professionals.
Crisis communication, as summarized in Seeger et al. (2003), addresses threats to an organization's ability to achieve its goals. These events range from obvious threats to core functions of an organization to less obvious threats. Chemical or nuclear disasters associated with chemical or nuclear power plants arise as a result of the organization's primary activity which poses a known threat and for which specific action may be planned in advance. First responders, for example, need to be aware of what chemicals a plant produces, what hazards they pose in isolation or combination, as liquids or air borne, and the strategies in place to address potential problems. These types of organizations should communicate within and outside the organization about these threats and plans to avoid, detect, and address them. On the other hand, an example of a less predictable threat to the core function of an organization is illustrated by the events of 9-11 in 2001 for commercial airlines. While airlines take many precautions for the safety of passengers, 9-11 created a crisis for the airline industry that would have been difficult to address with a prior plan.
Emergency communication alerts emergency personnel, those affected, and media about the existence of an actual threat and actions to alleviate or reduce harm. The three primary components of the United States' emergency communication system include the 911 telephone Public Safety Answering Points (PSAP) and call dispatch system, the Emergency Alert System, and radio and/or broadcast or cable television station news and updates. Emergency personnel often find out about emergencies through 911 calls. The dispatcher receiving a call has been trained to route the call to local emergency personnel, including medical, fire, and law enforcement. The Enhanced 911, or E911, system automatically reports both the telephone number and location of calls. While a vital component for communicating an emergency, the system may become overloaded during an emergency, an event that may be addressed in advance with a plan for communicating if this occurs. Mobile phones make the identification of a user's location more difficult, causing the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to require wireless telephone carriers to provide E911. In the event that a carrier does not yet use technology that meets the FCC rules, consumers must: tell the emergency operator the location of an emergency right away and give the wireless phone number so that if the call is disconnected, an operator can call back. These guidelines should become public service announcements in all areas to increase the effectiveness of emergency communication.
The fact is that we often make very little effort and have no intention to be exposed to information about disaster. This does not mean that we are not influenced by messages about disasters. Disaster communication occurs in three forms: visual, verbal, and nonverbal.
Many messages which we are passively exposed to are visual. Pictures of the devastation of a hurricane, the crumbled buildings following the Oklahoma bombing or the images after 9-11 are all examples of visual messages emblazoned in our memories. These visual communication forms evoke emotion and tell a story, thus providing a form of narrative evidence to shape attitudes and behaviors. Some of these visual messages to which we are passively exposed address role occupants. The expectations that individuals have about a role for government, for first responders, for volunteers, and even for themselves during disasters will be shaped by visual images. Recall the media's role and rules (i.e., to be there, be first, and be accurate) as one audience for which strategic disaster communicators may plan communication efforts. Their intention is to be there, be first, and be accurate, but also to be more memorable than the competitor.
In addition to the visual messages to which we are passively exposed, there will be both verbal and nonverbal messages. Again, we often have to make little effort to be exposed to these messages. Friends and neighbors, pastors and employers, and — again — the media will speak or write about who is responsible, what should be done, why more is not being done, what to expect, how to act and feel, and a host of other issues. The spoken discourse is more likely than the written discourse to reach us without any active intention on our part. We have more control over what we read. However, even with written discourse, in efforts to be informed, our choices to read some content may be associated with our passive exposure to ideas, opinion, and information that we were not seeking.
In many cases, accompanying the verbal communication of a source of disaster information will be nonverbal messages. When the spokesperson for a community ravaged by a hurricane speaks on a national news channel, the passion in her voice, the angry gestures, the direct eye contact, etc. all form an impression and contribute to the meaning of the verbal messages. For this reason, sources chosen to speak to represent government or agency views during times of disaster should be selected in part based on the ability to be aware of and control nonverbal messages. This may require as much planning and practice as preparing the verbal message. This should not be judged as support for dissemination of just a verbal message which will also contribute to the construction of meaning. There is an expectation to see the source of the message, in part because belief in the trustworthiness of its content will be judged by nonverbal behaviors. Thus, passive exposure to disaster communication shapes expectations about people, roles, events, and even governments and countries.
Despite the reality of an increasing number of messages about disaster around us, we still find ourselves actively seeking more information about disasters and wanting to talk about the information that we find. As we entered the 21st century, more than half of Americans reported that they were using the Internet to seek health information (Weiss, 2001). We do not have similar statistics about how often we seek information about disasters. We do know that even as disaster occurs, online news sources, blogs, and email exchanges reveal the active exchange of communication about the event. In efforts to advance disaster preparedness, government resources to identify strategic planning endeavors by terrorists often involve complex strategies to chart the online communication. One of the challenges of the 21st century in the U.S. has become drawing parameters in association with citizen rights to privacy in association with communication online, by telephone, and other modalities, and efforts to thwart terrorist activities. Here, too, planning associated with introducing these activities to the public is needed. Media reports may emphasize the encroachment into citizens' rights over the protection of citizens' lives and livelihood. Both aims must be balanced in meeting goals for disaster readiness.
The latter reflects the multifaceted scope of sources active in the dialogue about disaster preparedness. Elected political representatives spend a lot of time and monies debating and making policies about disaster readiness. Physicians, too, carry on a running dialogue about readiness and response to disasters. Public health professionals, including field staff that maintains vital records of births and deaths, clinic nurses, and professionals such as epidemiologists–despite working at sites sometimes far from previous disasters—strive to be prepared through readiness to communicate about disasters with the publics they serve.
Across the three phases of disaster communication, several barriers to effective communication exist.
How much each audience knows shapes the ability to respond to messages. Too little knowledge contributes to the inability to act on recommendations. Assuming that an audiences has more knowledge than they actually do about a situation may lead to a lack of trust based in the belief that information is being kept from an audience.
Disasters may cause all audiences to resist listening, to hear what they want to hear, and to act accordingly. This is not limited to the media or the public. Professionals and first responders also form learned responses to certain stimuli and act accordingly. The characteristics of a specific situation may require adaptation based on understanding information that has been communicated.
During efforts to build disaster readiness, distractions relating to all of the more immediate issues facing the public, businesses, health care delivery systems, and governments function to limit the cognitive and behavioral resources devoted to messages about disaster preparedness. Effective disaster readiness communication involves a component of planning to overcome these distractions by providing compelling reasons for audiences to be interested based on their roles, rules, and intermember relations.
During communication based on preparedness, this can relate to the seeming distance in time related to the topic. During disaster response periods, communication may be competing with direct examples of loss, including family and friends, home, work site, and even entire communities. While communication to promote concentration about preparedness may require a facilitator to promote action, communication to promote concentration during response may require brief, explicit, action-oriented content. During recovery, the opportunity to be more reflective and expand upon experiences may be one that promotes concentration. These interactions may suffer from efforts to limit the time spent talking. Survivors may regard attempts to limit their input as attempts to ‘silence' them. Yet, policymakers may view the extensive time spent ‘telling their stories' as a waste of their time. Once more, a clash between roles, rules, and relations may pose a barrier to desired outcomes.
Disaster communication requires us to integrate risk communication, crisis communication, and emergency communication into a new form of communication that must address all the key elements of these types of communication while addressing various audiences who need to plan to communicate about disasters. When disaster communication works well, it sustains the public, energizes first responders and volunteers, and gets help to the victims quickly and effectively. During and immediately following the 9-11 attacks, then New York Mayor Giuliani was present, told the people of New York and the United States what was being done, how it was to be done, what the people needed to do in order to be as safe as possible, and what he was doing to support the first responders in their jobs. He gave frequent updates, dodged no questions, and when he didn't know something, said he didn't know but would get the answer. Then he followed through and got answers. On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina came ashore in Mississippi and Louisiana and destroyed much of the area. In this disaster, no one emerged as an effective leader in Louisiana. The poor disaster communication stands in stark contrast to effectiveness of Mayor Giuliani during the 9-11 attacks.
Complete the student questionnaire form to help the instructor get to know everyone. (Note that your responses will go only to the instructor, not other classmates.) (I, U)
Check the class roster to see what team you have been assigned to. You can also access the course roster, by clicking on the Communicate link in the left-hand menu. Click on the Course Roster link and then click on the Teams link in the upper-right hand corner. Finally, click on the Members link below the team names to find which team you are on. Post an introductory message to your team's discussion area. You can also acces your team discussion forum by clicking on the Activities link in the left-hand menu. Click on the Lesson 1 activities folder. Click on the Team Introductions folder and finally click on the Team Introduction discussion forum. (Note that these posts will be visible to the instructor and your fellow team members.) (I, U)
Based on the Hughes & Gerberding reading, identify communication issues in the 2001 bioterrorism-related anthrax outbreak. Write a 1-2 page paper considering how verbal, nonverbal, and visual forms of communication functioned in these issues and defining the "golden triangle" of response. Submit your paper to the 2001 Anthrax Attack Communication Issues Drop Box. (I, G)
Covello, V.T. (1992). Risk communication: An emerging area of health communication research. In S. A. Deetz (Ed.), Communication yearbook 15 (pp. 359-373). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Seeger, M., Sellnow, T., & Ulmer, R. (2003). Communication and Organizational Crisis. Westport, CT: Praeger.