Russian Reforms
The Imperial decree of emancipation gave the Russian serfs legal freedom, but freedom to do what? They were not, you see, given the land that they had traditionally worked—they had to buy it. What Russian peasant—former serf—had the kind of money to purchase a plot of land that would be big enough to support him and his family? You got it—precious few. They could either contract a long-term debt to the state, which would, in turn, compensate the owner, or pay their former master redemption money or services for the land. Another point is that peasants did not hold the land in individual ownership; rather, it was held collectively by the Mir, or village community. The Mir—represented by elected officials of the village—collected the redemption money and paid it collectively, paid taxes, and supervised allocation and cultivation of the land by its members. The former serf could not leave the Mir or sell his land without permission, and even after leaving, he remained liable for taxes. In this way, the state made sure that the debts owed to it would be met and that the new peasant society would maintain structures the state could deal with. The commune, which came to be considered a characteristic Slavic institution, tended to resist change in favor of traditional ways. State peasants—or the tsar's serfs, nearly 25 million of them—were not liberated for several more years, but when they got their freedom it was on somewhat more favorable terms, at least with regard to land prices.
The emancipation of the serfs did not result in Russia's turning into a democracy or laissez faire economy—rather, it provided the basis for institutions allowing some popular participation in public life. Within each district, the Mir supported its own courts, selected its own judges, and administered the regulations on taxes and conscription. The local middle class likewise gained access to public life: In 1864, district and provincial councils—the Zemstvos—were made responsible for primary schools, local roads, and measures of local welfare. Generally conservative in their outlook, the Zemstvos gave important political experience and a sense of political responsibility to many professional men and other members of the middle class. Cities, too, were granted increased autonomy and allowed to elect representative bodies. The number of primary schools, though always inadequate, increased dramatically. The government encouraged secondary and university education, relaxed censorship, and adopted a number of military reforms. The system of requiring 25 years of service from selected serfs was altered bit by bit until, by 1874 universal service, with exemptions and only six years of active duty, approached the concept of a citizen army.
Each reform uncovered more that needed to be done, however, and the government became increasingly cautious. Concessions to Poland had prompted demands that culminated in the revolution of 1863—the one that was quelled so harshly that it elicited British, French and Austrian condemnation, you remember, the one that Prussia under Bismarck supported? Well, as a result of that uprising, Poland lost its separate status and strengthened conservativism in Russia. The repression that Poland experienced spread into Russia where the police remained independent of local controls; that is, out of the hands of the Zemstvos.